Brown stretches switch to reform

He says he is open to more formula changes
By John Fensterwald - Educated Guess

In the first of what will likely be multiple revisions – Finance Reform 1.01 – the Brown administration has scaled back the first year of phasing in its new school funding system and proposes to hold districts harmless from potential losses in revenue in that initial year.

The administration also has significantly lowered the base revenue per student that all districts will receive before tacking on extra money for disadvantaged students. In a memo passed out this week, Department of Finance officials indicated that they’re open to modifying further the weighted student funding formula that Gov. Brown proposed in his state budget last month. They’ll no doubt hear some ideas today, when the Senate Budget Committee devotes the morning to weighted student funding and mandate reform, which Brown also wants.

Brown has proposed sweeping funding changes: a shift in decision making away from Sacramento by removing state controls on “categorical” programs while channeling more money to low-income students and English learners. Districts with high concentrations of these children stand to eventually gain more than $3,000 in additional funding per child – even more in some cases.

Supporters of equitable funding, advocates of a simple, transparent finance system, and districts with large numbers of disadvantaged children support Brown’s plan – at least in principle. Gov. Schwarzenegger’s Committee on Education Excellence backed the idea four years ago, and State Board President Michael Kirst co-authored a formula similar to Brown’s in 2008. There’s also general agreement that the right time to transition to a new system is on the way out of a recession, with increasing state revenue to minimize the impact on “losers” ­– those districts with few disadvantaged children or larger than average categorical funding that would get little additional, or even less money.

The mechanics of getting the formula right are difficult, however, and the policy issues are complex. (Should some categorical programs, such as adult ed or Career Technical Education, get protected funding?) Complicating Brown’s timing is his plan to use much of the money from a $6.8 billion tax increase to pay down debts that the state owes schools, so there will be little new money for the classroom in the first few years.

Brown had proposed to phase in the weighted student funding formula, starting in 2012-13 in 20 percent increments over 5 years to soften the impact (80 percent of a district’s funding would be done the old way in the first year, with 20 percent under a weighted formula, then 60-40 in the second  year, and so on).

But now he is proposing to start with only 5 percent of the weighted funding the first year, 15 percent the second year, then 40 percent, 60 percent, 80 percent, and all weighted student funding in 2017-18. No doubt worried that some districts might see less money at the same time that voters will be asked to approve a significant sales and income tax increase, Brown would guarantee to hold districts harmless, with no funding losses in 2012-13 only. Brown is also counting on a healthy increase in Proposition 98 money as the state recovers from an economic recession to mitigate the effect on the redistribution of money during the transition. The Department of Finance is projecting that the Prop 98 obligation will rise about $6 billion – $1,000 per child – over the next five years, aside from the temporary tax increase.

Bonus money in high poverty schools

The biggest change in the formula is the base level funding that every district would start with. Brown used $6,000 per child, which Kirst had used when creating his weighted student formula. But that was in 2008, before schools lost about 10 percent of their funding due to Prop 98 cuts. The new figure is $4,920.

I’ve explained the formula in a previous post, and it hasn’t changed yet. A district will receive a bonus of 37 percent of the base amount for every student who is low-income, as determined by who qualifies for free and reduced lunches, or an English learner (those who are both aren’t counted double). Because concentrations of disadvantaged students magnify educational challenges, a student body with more than 50 percent disadvantaged students would get additional aid, 7.4 percent for every 10 percentage points, starting with  7.4 percent at 60 percent, 14.8 percent extra at 70 percent, 22.2 percent at 80 percent, and so on.

The concentration bonus makes a big difference. A district with a combination of 50 percent English learners and low-income students would get an extra $1,820 per student, while a district with a combination of 100 percent disadvantaged students would get an extra $3,640 per student.

The memo from the Department of Finance said that the governor would be open to making “technical” changes to the formula. Some issues already have been raised.

  • High school students are more expensive to educate but the formula funds all students the same, to the disadvantage of unified and high school districts;
  • The concentration factor – whether it truly is half as expensive to educate an English learner in a district where they represent a small proportion of the student boy – will be debated.

Beyond the formula itself, there’s the issue of throwing all categoricals into one pot of money for redistribution, without protection. As former State Board of Education member Jim Aschwanden notes in a column in TOP-Ed today, adult ed has already been eviscerated in many districts under the categorical flexibility and would likely erode further under weighted student funding. Urban districts that receive substantial Economic Impact Aid as a result of desegregation agreements, like Los Angeles Unified and San Jose Unified, would lose that extra advantage under the new system. Which programs ultimately are protected will largely determine which districts will be winners and losers. Brown proposes to leave out only a handful of programs, starting with special education and student nutrition.

“Under the Administration’s proposed formula, most large urban school districts that serve low-income communities will receive additional funding. None of these schools will receive less funding,” the memo says.

Accountability is another issue. Districts would get extra money for poor and English-learning children, but, other than pressure from parents and advocates, they wouldn’t have to spend the money on those students. The Brown administration has said it would propose measurements beyond state test scores to hold districts accountable for academic results, but has given no indication yet what those are. Advocates want conditions set so that extra money follows the child through the system.

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7 Comments

  1. I suggest that at the same time the governor presents this suggestion to the public, he also supports a voucher plan that would enable those parents who support a 21st century education for children to be able to leave the system. No, I don’t in principle support vouchers, but I cannot support any of this plan.
    I’ve asked this before – - what is the per student cost of a high school that provides the full range of science and technology classes?
    How can it cost so much extra to educate second language students? Many countries, de facto, have multiple languages spoken in schools, and on the whole there isn’t a huge problem! Somehow the US has managed to make an industry in schools for teaching students with a second language, while at the same time not taking into account how successful students from some cultural backgrounds are, without years of additional support.
    I taught ESL and Bridging English in San Diego. I had the same salary, no additional resources except for a teaching assistant for five hours per week, and the class sizes were standard for the school!  Who creates these cost projections?
    And … same as last time. Now that the cost per student is so low this program is being suggested?
    Let’s look at all the data contained in the State’s system, analyze what works, with what resources, and with which teachers, and then start to make changes. But no, because that would show how some teachers with 40+ children in their classes get incredible results in comparison with another teacher with similar demographics and resources whose students perform poorly  - – -  The same follows for principals, superintendents …
    I attended low income schools with a large proportion of students with multiple languages, so yes, I have been there.

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  2. What me intrigues me is what method will be used to verify the status of the students. Under the current process, parents must self identify as being English Language Learner and/or qualifying for free/reduced lunch. Many families for whatever reason did not wish to have their child identified as belonging to these groups.
    In addition, is there an unintended consequence to be considered if there are financial incentives for keeping children designated as English Language Learners rather then attempting to quickly as possible getting them redesignated as fluent in English?

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  3. Sue, do you know of another country where a third of all students dont speak the native language?  Or where over 3/4 of the students are classified poor enough to require financial assistance in order to get food?  Those are the numbers for LAUSD.  I think there is quite a difference among non-native speakers, even here. Having non-native speakers from a country where finishing middle school isnt even common is something quite different than having non-native speakers with college educated parents. I would not be surprised to find out we have a much larger percentage of the former than many other countries with any significant numbers of non-native speakers.
    Mike, you bring up a good point about incentive. The fact that current funds are restricted somewhat inhibits this now (though not entirely). In general, the gov appears to want to push more of the drive and decision making to the local level, not only for questions of funding but also advocacy. He’s also doing this at the voter level with his “fund it or lose it” challenge. To some extent, this seems to be a desire to challenge hypocrisy within our system, though there is obviously a lot of pragmatism built in.
    I believe the english learner approach works well for many students. Where it completely breaks down is for the long term ell student who is already essentially ’street’ proficient but cant get out of the system for other reasons. At that point the issue has ceased to be a second language (and is shared with other native language speakers). Policy could do well to recognize that, imho.

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  4. Interesting point, Mike.  I know that Mike Kirst,Goodwin Liu and Alan Bersin were concerned about the English learner issue you raised — an incentive to keep students in the system. I believe the extra money would tail off after a set number of years. Something to watch in the months ahead.

     

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  5. The Governor’s committee proposed phasing out the funding for English learners after 4 years of funding with a full phase out after 6 years as an EL student. This type of approach would counter any incentive to not redesignate EL students. And since around 85% of EL students are eligible for a free/reduced lunch, the district would continue to get the same funding for most  EL students even if they are reclassified.
    There will also be an incentive for districts to find more students that at eligible for a free/reduced lunch. But, that would actually be a good thing because these students should be getting federally subsidized meals. There may need to be some additional compliance monitoring to ensure that the free lunch counts are valid.

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